Вторая Мировая: сговор англичан с наци

22-04-2013, 11:26 | Открываем историю / Новый взгляд на историю | разместил: VP | комментариев: (0) | просмотров: (1 587)

Три цитаты из работы по истории второй половины 19 и первой половины 20 века очень солидного автора (его учеником был Клинтон, который особенно отмечал влияние профессора), чуть подробнее в примечании

1. первая цитата (background to appeasement) о том, какие "круги" существовали в политике Британии к 37-38му
2. Вторая касается ужесточения внутренних порядков в Британии в связи с боязнью большевизма и экономически обусловленных бунтов
3. Третья цитата - 7 пунктов: тайные договоренности с Наци

Background to appeasement - inner circles by 1938
Any analysis of the motivations of Britain in 1938-1939 is bound to be difficult
because different people had different motives, motives changed in the course of time,
the motives of the government were clearly not the same as the motives of the people,
and in no country has secrecy and anonymity been carried so far or been so well
preserved as in Britain. In general, motives become vaguer and less secret as we move
our attention from the innermost circles of the government outward. As if we were
looking at the layers of an onion, we may discern four points of view: (1) the anti-
Bolsheviks at the center, (2) the "three-bloc-world" supporters close to the center, (3) the
supporters of "appeasement," and (4) the "peace at any price" group in a peripheral
position. The "anti-Bolsheviks," who were also anti-French, were extremely important
from 1919 to 1926, but then decreased to little more than a lunatic fringe, rising again in
numbers and influence after 1934 to dominate the real policy of the government in 1939.
In the earlier period the chief figures in this group were Lord Curzon, Lord D'Abernon,
and General Smuts. They did what they could to destroy reparations, permit German
rearmament, and tear down what they called "French militarism."

This point of view was supported by the second group, which was known in those
days as the Round Table Group, and came later to be called, somewhat inaccurately, the
Cliveden Set, after the country estate of Lord and Lady Astor. It included Lord Milner,
Leopold Amery, and Edward Grigg (Lord Altrincham), as well as Lord Lothian, Smuts,
Lord Astor, Lord Brand (brother-in-law of Lady Astor and managing director of Lazard
Brothers, the international bankers), Lionel Curtis, Geoffrey Dawson (editor of The
Times), and their associates. This group wielded great influence because it controlled the
Rhodes Trust, the Beit Trust, The Times of London, The Observer, the influential and
highly anonymous quarterly review known as The Round Table (founded in 1910 with
money supplied by Sir Abe Bailey and the Rhodes Trust, and with Lothian as editor), and
it dominated the Royal Institute of International Affairs, called "Chatham House" (of
which Sir Abe Bailey and the Astors were the chief financial supporters, while Lionel
Curtis was the actual founder), the Carnegie United Kingdom Trust, and All Souls
College, Oxford. This Round Table Group formed the core of the three-bloc-world
supporters, and differed from the anti-Bolsheviks like D'Abernon in that they sought to
contain the Soviet Union between a German-dominated Europe and an English-speaking
bloc rather than to destroy it as the anti-Bolsheviks wanted. Relationships between the
two groups were very close and friendly, and some people, like Smuts, were in both.

The anti-Bolsheviks, including D'Abernon, Smuts, Sir John Simon, and H. A. L.
Fisher (Warden of All Souls College), were willing to go to any extreme to tear down
France and build up Germany. Their point of view can be found in many places, and most
emphatically in a letter of August I l, 1920, from D'Abernon to Sir Maurice (later Lord)
Hankey, a protégé of Lord Esher who wielded great influence in the inter-war period as
secretary to the Cabinet and secretary to almost every international conference on
reparations from Genoa (1922) to Lausanne (1932). D'Abernon advocated a secret
alliance of Britain "with the German military leaders in cooperating against the Soviet."
As ambassador of Great Britain in Berlin in 1920-1926, D'Abernon carried on this policy
and blocked all efforts by the Disarmament Commission to disarm, or even inspect,
Germany (according to Brigadier J. H. Morgan of the commission).

The point of view of this group was presented by General Smuts in a speech of
October 23, 1923 (made after luncheon with H. A. L. Fisher). From these two groups
came the Dawes Plan and the Locarno pacts. It was Smuts, according to Stresemann, who
first suggested the Locarno policy, and it was D'Abernon who became its chief supporter.
H. A. L. Fisher and John Simon in the House of Commons, and Lothian, Dawson, and
their friends on The Round Table and on The Times prepared the ground among the
British governing class for both the Dawes Plan and Locarno as early as 1923 (The
Round Table for March 1923; the speeches of Fisher and Simon in the House of
Commons on February 19, 1923, Fisher's speech of March 6th and Simon's speech of
March 13th in the same place, The Round Table for June 1923; and Smuts's speech of
October 23rd).

The more moderate Round Table group, including Lionel Curtis, Leopold Amery
(who was the shadow of Lord Milner), Lord Lothian, Lord Brand, and Lord Astor, sought
to weaken the League of Nations and destroy all possibility of collective security in order
to strengthen Germany in respect to both France and the Soviet Union, and above all to
free Britain from Europe in order to build up an "Atlantic bloc" of Great Britain, the
British Dominions, and the United States. They prepared the way for this "Union"
through the Rhodes Scholarship organization (of which Lord Milner was the head in
1905-1925 and Lord Lothian was secretary in 1925-1940), through the Round Table
groups (which had been set up in the United States, India, and the British Dominions in T
910- 1917), through the Chatham House organization, which set up Royal Institutes of
International Affairs in all the dominions and a Council on Foreign Relations in New
York, as well as through "Unofficial Commonwealth Relations Conferences" held
irregularly, and the Institutes of Pacific Relations set up in various countries as
autonomous branches of the Royal Institutes of International Affairs. This influential
group sought to change the League of Nations from an instrument of collective security
to an international conference center for "nonpolitical" matters like drug control or
international postal services, to rebuild Germany as a buffer against the Soviet Union and
a counterpoise to France, and to build up an Atlantic bloc of Britain, the Dominions, the
United States, and, if possible, the Scandinavian countries.

One of the effusions of this group was the project called Union Now, and later Union
Now with Great Britain, propagated in the United States in 1938-1945 by Clarence Streit
on behalf of Lord Lothian and the Rhodes Trust. Ultimately, the inner circle of this group
arrived at the idea of the "three-bloc world." It was believed that this system could force
Germany to keep the peace (after it absorbed Europe) because it would be squeezed
between the Atlantic bloc and the Soviet Union, while the Soviet Union could be forced
to keep the peace because it would be squeezed between Japan and Germany. This plan
would work only if Germany and the Soviet Union could be brought into contact with
each other by abandoning to Germany Austria, Czechoslovakia, and the Polish Corridor.
This became the aim of both the anti-Bolsheviks and the three-bloc people from the early
part of 1937 to the end of 1939 (or even early 1940). These two cooperated and
dominated the government in that period. They split in the period 1939-1940, with the
"three-bloc" people, like Amery, Lord Halifax, and Lord Lothian, becoming increasingly
anti-German, while the anti-Bolshevik crowd, like Chamberlain, Horace Wilson, and
John Simon, tried to adopt a policy based on a declared but unfought war against
Germany combined with an undeclared fighting war against the Soviet Union. The split
between these two groups appeared openly in public and led to Chamberlain's fall from
office when Amery cried to Chamberlain, across the floor of the House of Commons, on
May 10, 1940, "In the name of God, go!"

Outside these two groups, and much more numerous (but much more remote from the
real instruments of government), were the appeasers and the "peace at any price" people.
These were both used by the two inner groups to command public support for their quite
different policies. Of the two the appeasers were much more important than the "peace at
any price" people. The appeasers swallowed the steady propaganda (much of it
emanating from Chatman House, The Times, the Round Table groups, or Rhodes circles)
that the Germans had been deceived and brutally treated in 1919. For example, it was
under pressure from seven persons, including General Smuts and H. A. L. Fisher, as well
as Lord Milner himself, that Lloyd George made his belated demand on June 2, 1919,
that the German reparations be reduced and the Rhineland occupation be cut from fifteen
years to two. The memorandum from which Lloyd George read these demands was
apparently drawn up by Philip Kerr (Lord Lothian), while the minutes of the Council of
Four, from which we get the record of those demands, were taken down by Sir Maurice
Hankey (as secretary to the Supreme Council, a position obtained through Lord Esher). It
was Kerr (Lothian) who served as British member of the Committee of Five which drew
up the answer to the Germans' protest of May, 1 919. General Smuts was still refusing to
sign the treaty because it was too severe as late as June 2 3, 1919.

As a result of these attacks and a barrage of similar attacks on the treaty which
continued year after year, British public opinion acquired a guilty conscience about the
Treaty of Versailles, and was quite unprepared to take any steps to enforce it by 1930. On
this feeling, which owed so much to the British idea of sportsmanlike conduct toward a
beaten opponent, was built the movement for appeasement. This movement had two basic
assumptions: (a) that reparation must be made for Britain's treatment of Germany in 1919
and (b) that if Germany's most obvious demands, such as arms equality, remilitarization
of the Rhineland, and perhaps union with Austria, were met, Germany would become
satisfied and peaceful. The trouble with this argument was that once Germany reached
this point, it would be very difficult to prevent Germany from going further (such as
taking the Sudetenland and the Polish Corridor). Accordingly, many of the appeasers,
when this point was reached in March 1938 went over to the anti-Bolshevik or "three-
bloc" point of view, while some even went into the "peace at any price" group. It is likely
that Chamberlain, Sir John Simon, and Sir Samuel Hoare went by this road from
appeasement to anti-Bolshevism. At any rate, few influential people were still in the
appeasement group by 1939 in the sense that they believed that Germany could ever be
satisfied. Once this was realized, it seemed to many that the only solution was to bring
Germany into contact with, or even collision with, the Soviet Union.

Second: tightening of screws internally
Элита защищает себя от "еврейского большевизма"
В голове следует также держать боязнь большевизма и как следствие ряд шагов (изменения законов в середине 30х "вторым национальным правительством") предпринятых элитой для защиты самой себя.

неприязнь к евреям сводилась не (только) к экономическим факторам.
Эта публика однозначно воспринималась как гнездо коммунизма-терроризма-анархизма, делания революций и разумеется мнение могло только усилиться после переворота в России (см. например статью того же Черчилля о "хороших" и "плохих" евреях написанную кажется в 1922м), и еще более с наступлением кризиса в 1930е.
"Второе национальное правительство" ввело ужесточения законов:

Internal policies

The police of London, with jurisdiction over one-sixth the population of England,
were reorganized in 1933 to destroy their obvious sympathy with the working classes.
This was done by restricting all ranks above inspector to persons with an upper-class
education, by training them in a newly created police college, and by forbidding them to
join the Police Federation (a kind of union). The results of this were immediately
apparent in the contrast between the leniency of the police attitude toward Sir Oswald
Mosley's British Union of Fascists (which beat up British subjects with relative impunity)
and the violence of police action toward even peaceful anti-Fascist activities. This
tolerant attitude toward Fascism was reflected in both the radio and the cinema.

A severe Incitement to Disaffection Act in 1934 threatened to destroy many of the
personal guarantees built up over the centuries by making police search of homes less
restricted and by making the simple possession of material likely to disaffect the armed
forces a crime. It was passed after severe criticism and a Lords' debate which continued
until 4:00 A. M. For the first time in three generations, personal freedom and civil rights
were restricted in time of peace. This was done by new laws, by the use of old laws like
the Official Secrets Acts, and by such ominous innovations as "voluntary" censorship of
the press and by judicial extension of the scope of the libel laws. This development
reached its most dangerous stage with the Prevention of Violence Act of 1939, which
empowers a secretary of state to arrest without warrant and to deport without trial any
person, even a British subject, who has not been ordinarily resident in England, if he
believes such a person is concerned in the preparation or instigation of acts of violence or
is harboring persons so concerned. [т.е. акт направлен против "иммигрантов-революционеров" или "террористов" -- greenkrokodilla] Fortunately, these new strictions were administered
with a certain residue of the old English good-humored tolerances, and were, for political
reasons, rarely applied to any persons with strong trade-union support.

The reactionary tendencies of the National government were most evident in its fiscal
policies. For these, Neville Chamberlain was chiefly responsible. For the first time in
almost a century, there was an increase in the proportion of the total tax paid by the
working classes. For the first time since the repeal of the corn laws in 1846, there was a
tax on food. For the first time in two generations, there was a reversal in the trend toward
more education for the people. The budget was kept balanced, but at a considerable price
in human suffering and in wastage of Britain's irreplaceable human resources. By 1939 in
the so-called "depressed areas" of Scotland, of South Wales, and of the northeast coast,
hundreds of thousands had been unemployed for years, and, as the Pilgrim Fund pointed
out, had had their moral fiber completely destroyed by years of living on an inadequate
dole. The capitalists of these areas were supported either by government subsidy (as the
Runciman family lined their pockets from shipping subsidies) or were bought out by
cartels and trade associations from funds assessed on the more active members of the
industry (as was done in coal mining, steel, cement, shipbuilding, and so on).

The Derating Act of 1929 of Neville Chamberlain exempted industry from payment of
three-quarters of its taxes under certain conditions. In the period 1930-1937 this saved
industry £170 million, while many unemployed were allowed to starve. This law was
worth about £200,000 a year to Imperial Chemical Industries. On the other hand
Chamberlain, as chancellor of the Exchequer, insisted on those appropriations for the air
force which ultimately made it possible for the RAF to overcome Göring's attack in the
Battle of Britain in 1940.

Третья цитата:7 пунктов: тайные договоренности с Наци

7 points - geopolitical agreement with the Nazies

In the meantime [end of 1937-beg.of1938 -- greenkrokodilla] the British government,
especially the small group controlling foreign policy, had reached a seven-point decision
regarding their attitude toward Germany:

Тем временен /конец 1937-начало 38 -- greenkrokodilla/ Британское правительство,
в особенности небольшая группа, контролировавшая международную политику, пришла к
согласию в вопросе отношения к Германии, которое выражалось как "7 пунктов"

1. Hitler Germany was the front-line bulwark against the spread of Communism in
Europe.

2. A four-Power pact of Britain, France, Italy, and Germany to exclude all Russian
influence from Europe was the ultimate aim; accordingly, Britain had no desire to
weaken the Rome-Berlin Axis, but regarded it and the Anglo-French Entente as the
foundation of a stable Europe.

3. Britain had no objection to German acquisition of Austria, Czechoslovakia, and
Danzig.

4. Germany must not use force to achieve its aims in Europe, as this would precipitate
a war in which Britain would have to intervene because of the pressure of public opinion
in Britain and the French system of alliances; with patience, Germany could get its aims
without using force.

5. Britain wanted an agreement with Germany restricting the numbers and the use of
bombing planes.

6. Britain was prepared to give Germany colonial areas in south-central Africa,
including the Belgian Congo and Portuguese Angola if Germany would renounce its
desire to recover Tanganyika, which had been taken from Germany in 1919, and if
Germany would sign an international agreement to govern these areas with due regard for
the rights of the natives, an "open-door" commercial policy, and under some mechanism
of international supervision like the mandates.

7. Britain would use pressure on Czechoslovakia and Poland to negotiate with
Germany and to be conciliatory to Germany's desires.

1. Гитлеровская Германия является переднем краем обороны против распространения
коммунизма в Европе

2. Четырехстороний пакт между Британие, Францией, Италие и Германией для исключения
всякого влияния России в Европе является главной целью; следовательно, Британия не
имеет желания ослаблять "ось берлин-рим", но рассматривает её и совместно англо-
британскую "антанту" как основу стабильной европы

3. Британия не возражает против германского приобретения австрии, чехословакии и
Данцига

4. Германия не должна использовать (военную) силу для достижения своих целей в
европе, т.к. это повлечет войну, в которую Британия окажется вынужденной вмешаться
вследствие давления общественного мнения и французской системы альянсов; при
наличии терпемия Германия сможет достичь всех целей без применения сиолы.

5. Британия хотела заключения договора с Германие, который ограничивал бы число и
применение бомбардировщиков

6. Британия была готова выделить Германии колониальные территории на юге центральной
африки, включая бельгийское конго и португальскую анголу если германие откажется от
желания восстановить свою колонию в Танганьике, отобранную в 1919, и если Германия
подпищшет мебдународное соглашение об управлении этими территориями с соответствующм
соблюдением прав местного н аселения, будет придерживаться политики "открытых дверей"
в торговле и при существовании некоторого механизма международного надзора наподобие
"мандата".

7. Британия окажет давление на чехословакию и польшу чтобы вынудить их вступить в
переговоры с германией и удовлетворить желания германии

To these seven points we should add an eighth: Britain must rearm in order to
maintain its position in a "three-bloc world" and to deter Germany from using force in
creating its bloc in Europe. This point was supported by Chamberlain, who built up the
air force which saved Britain in 1940, and by the Round Table Group led by Lord
Lothian, Edward Grigg, and Leopold Amery, who put on a campaign to establish
compulsory military service.

The first seven points were reiterated to Germany by various spokesmen from 1937
onward. They are also to be found in many recently published documents, including the
captured archives of the German Foreign Ministry, the documents of the British Foreign
Office, and various extracts from diaries and other private papers, especially extracts
from Neville Chamberlain's diary and his letters to his sister. Among numerous other
occasions these points were covered in the following cases: (a) in a conversation between
Lord Halifax and Hitler at Berchtesgaden on November 17, 1938; (b) in a letter from
Neville Chamberlain to his sister on November 26, 1937; (c) in a conversation between
Hitler, Ribbentrop, and the British Ambassador (Sir Nevile Henderson) in Berlin on
March 3, 1938; (d) in a series of conversations involving Lord Halifax, Ribbentrop, Sir
Thomas Inskip (British minister of defense), Erich Kordt (Ribbentrop's assistant), and Sir
Horace Wilson (Chamberlain's personal representative) in London on March 10-11,
1938; and (e) in a conference of Neville Chamberlain with various North American
journalists held at Lord Astor's house on May 10, 1938. In addition, portions of these
seven points were mentioned or discussed in scores of conversations and documents
which are now available.

Эти семь (первых) пунктов были неоднократно переданы Германии через ряд представителей
начиная с 1937 года. Их также можно обнаружить во многих недавно опубликованных документах,
включая захваченные архивы Министерства Иностранных Дел Германии, документах британской
Форин Оффис, и в различных отрывках из дневников и прочих частных документов, особенно
в отрывках дневника Невила Чемберлена и в его письмах к сестре.
Среди многочисленных прочих случаев, когда пункты освещались, находятся:
(а) разговор между лордом Халифаксом и Гитлером в Berchtesgaden 17 ноября 1938 года;
(б) письмо Н. Чемберлена сестре 26 ноября 1937 года;
(в) разговор между Гитлером, Риббентропом и Послом Британии (сэром Невилом Хендерсоном)
в Берлине 3 марта 1938 года
(г) в серии бесед включавших лорда Халифакса, Риббентропа, сэра Томаса Инскипа
(министр обороны Британии), Ериха Кордта (помощник Риббентропа), с'ра Хорация Вилсона
(личный представитель Чемберлена) в Лондоне 10-11 марта 1938;
(д) на конференции Невилла Чемберлена с различными североамериканскими журналистами в
доме лорда Астора 10 мая 1938 года.

Помимо того, части этих "семи пунктов" упоминались или обсуждались в десятках разговоров
и в документах, которые доступны сегодня.

.....................
.......................
these "seven points" because they were not acceptable to British public opinion.
Accordingly, these points had to remain secret, except for various "trial balloons" issued
through The Times, in speeches in the House of Commons or in Chatham House, in
articles in The Round Table and by calculated indiscretions to prepare the ground for
what was being done. In order to persuade the British people to accept these points, one
by one, as they were achieved, the British government spread the tale that Germany was
armed to the teeth and that the opposition to Germany was insignificant.

This propaganda first appeared in the effusions of the Round Table Group whose
leader, Lord Lothian, has visited Hitler in January 1935 and had been pushing this seven-
point program in The Times, in The Round Table, at Chatham House and Ali Souls, and
with Lord Halifax. In the December 1937 issue of The Round Table, where most of the
seven points which Halifax had just discussed with Hitler were mentioned, a war to
prevent Germany's ambitions in Europe was rejected on the grounds that its "outcome is
uncertain" and that it "would entail objectionable domestic disasters." In adding up the
balance of military forces in such a war, it gave a preponderance to Germany, by omitting
both Russia and Czechoslovakia and by estimating the French Army at only two-thirds
the size of the German and placing the British Army at less than three divisions. By the
spring of 1938 this completely erroneous view of the situation was being propagated by
the government itself.

Эти пункты - и особенно пункт 2 - и дают возможность говорить о согласии Британии на новую "геополитическую" конфигурацию, где в Европе доминирует полностью ГЕрмания (только не начинаете стрелять, а то мы не удержим наше население), а Британия контролирует моря и Империю.

Этот пункт объясняет "странную войну", а также культурные обмены между бритами и наци, популярность наци в Британии и даже (см отрывок-цитату 2 о внутреннем положении) резкое изменение политики полиции в ВБритании, которая стала подавлять "народные" выступления (боязнь бунтов элитой), но была весьма лояльна к Мозли и другим подобным группам.

Как я уже писал раньше, все изменилось когда к Чемберлен не удержал власть и к власти весной 1940го пришел напрямую купленный деньгами группы Фокус и практически отстраненный до этого от политики Черчилль.

Наци же однако продолжали по инерции считать что старые договоренности еще в силе, и сильно с этим промахнулись.

[Note 1]"Группа Фокус" была группой банкиров/еврейских активистов (например, в ней присутствовал чешский еврей-банкир и глава некой центральной организации британских евреев), созданная специально для продвижения нужной им политики.
Один из её членов оставил мемуары, где вспоминал как на эту цель на одном из собраний они тут же набрали 50,000 фунтов (для тех лет оргомные деньги).
В целом группа Фокус вылатила Черчиллю и группе других политиков что-то порядка 2 миллионов фунтов стерлингов (надо проверить) и полностью преуспела в своей цели - развороте политики Великобритании на 180 градусов.
Эта же политика привела к раннему банкротству страны, попаданию её в полную зависимость от американских банкиров (жила в долг на их деньги и исполняла все их пожелания в политике), и несколькими годами позже к утрате своей Империи, которая после банкирских манипуляций 1970х перешла под полный контроль США и тех элит/клик, которые управляют их деньгами.

[Note 2]
Процитированный историк - Кэрролл Куигли, профессор, член элиты и воспитатель её новых кадров - Клинтон с большим уважением отзывался о своем бывшем профессоре в том смысле, что он помог ему понять/прояснить смысл истории/политики.
Куигли помимо лучших университетов США преподавал военным и дипломатам.

Член элиты, он в своей истории 20века (и отчасти 19го до той степени, в которой те события определили 20й), изданной в 1966м (Трагедия и Надежда, "Tradegy and Hope") довольно откровенно писал о скрытых от глаз публики группах власти - не критикуя, он относился к ним лояльно.

В частности, года 2 он работал в архивах "Council for Foreign Relations".

Поэтому процитированные его выжимки из 20-летних исследований можно считать достаточно достоверными. Это не "народная история".

Среди американского народа Куигли имеет определенную ауру: он один из немногих историков признававших силу банкиров и писавший об устройстве этой власти и т.д. (опять-таки, совсем не становясь на сторону их критиков).

[note 3] Самое занятное то, что советские историки Войны и предвоенных времен абсолютно честно и верно писали о "двойной игре" или "сговоре" англичан с наци. Это утверждение сществует в нашей историографии еще со сталинских времен.

Оно абсолютно верно, и, как показывают приведенные цитаты, даже мягче чем те события, которые имели место в действительности.

Советская история не врала. Сегодняшний её вариант, беспощадно продавливаемый Банкирской Империей, безусловно лжив.

Заметьте также, каким героем рисует западный официоз ставленника своих банкирских денег. Ведущие неоконсерваторы периода 2000-2008 называли Черчилля великим деятелем и один писал его биографию.
Консервативные англичане же ("имперцы") считают его предателем страны, который прое.. её колонии.

Для СССР вступление Англии и США в войну против Наци было конечно помощью, но двуличной: отсидевшись до последнего, когда мы нашей кровью обратили наступление, они ринулись захватывать как можно больше территории Европы -- чтобы установить там режим жесткой оккупации, как показывают документы не очень давнего скандала о тайных террористических армиях НАТО -- и мгновенно, уже в 45-46м начать войну против ослабленного как они представляли СССP

Источник: greenkrokodilla.livejournal.com.

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